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Heeding The National Call Again… By Louis Odion, FNGE

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It’s no longer speculation; this is to confirm that, God willing, I shall assume duties in the coming days as the Senior Technical Assistant (Media) to President Muhammadu Buhari.
In media circles, they call me “Capacity” or “Unbreakable” because, I guess, I don’t fit into regular category. Truly, my clothiers, Goddy Mekwene (Vivid Imagination) and Benny Obaze (Bevista), often tease that nothing fits my “troublesome coconut head” but an “extra, extra large” cap.

So, when the Vice President and widely acclaimed man of God, Professor Yemi Osinbajo, began to explain my portfolio as “technical” last week, I knew an entirely new classification has to be made again for the “Lagos boy” from “Odiguetue” (in Edo State) under circumstances that could only have been divinely dictated.

To become Edo Information Commissioner in 2011, Comrade Adam Oshiomhole broke the rules. Comrade Osagie Obayuwana started off as the Attorney-General and Commissioner of Justice in 2008. His community is a stone’s throw from mine. So, with my first outing in July 2011, it was the first time in Nigeria’s political history that two state commissioners would come from the same ward (Ward 7 of Ovia North-East, Edo State).

Following reports last week of my appointment as the Senior Technical Assistant on Media to the President, naturally, I was inundated with calls and messages from friends, associates and wellwishers. While those expressing goodwill are appreciated, I took particular note of the apprehension expressed by a good many others as to whether I had fallen for the temptation of accepting to trade the liberty of a writer for the comforting invitation to “come and eat” in Abuja.

Well, such concerns are legitimate.
On a jovial note, let me say that I am intimately close to my professional colleagues and forerunners at the Presidency – Femi Adesina, Garba Shehu, Laolu Akande and Senator Femi Ojudu – to attest that they have not been “chopping” anything well above what their illustrious careers in journalism spanning decades had not already afforded them long before accepting to serve President Buhari in 2015.

But those who ever entertained such worries could not truly be counted among those who know me intimately or are aware of the testimonial from my first outing in Edo. Of course, during that four-year adventure, I gave the job my best shot. With bare hands, we confronted PDP’s ruthless godfathers all the way, never afraid of any fight, emboldened by nothing more than a steely conviction in the justness of our cause, narrowly escaping assassination on April 29, 2012, until Hurricane Buhari, propelled by people’s power, not only swept PDP from the ATM they had reduced Abuja into but also dislodged their now vegetating lords from the makeshift political “oxygen mask” on March 28, 2015.

For me, it is another challenge to make a difference in the service of our fatherland. We cannot keep whining about decline in leadership from afar and yet be unwilling to show how things can be done differently. In a democratic environment, it is only by deploying the force of idea in the contestation of what option to pursue in policy conception, formulation and execution that we can hope to make sustainable change possible in our fatherland. We can disagree without being disagreeable. All it requires for the public space to be hijacked completely by “thieves” is for the self-anointed “angels” to stay away and remain indifferent.

In my first outing in Edo, I had a clear idea of what my mission was as media professional with a social conscience: helping to manage information and strategic communication. So, the day after General Mohammadu Buhari was declared president-elect in April 2015, I had a surprise news for the then Edo governor. I told him that since we had succeeded in securing the homeland against the onslaught of the vicious PDP godfathers and that the progressive forces led by Buhari had routed PDP in Abuja, I believed my mission in Edo had been achieved, hence the need to move on.

One’s position in the last four years of engaging the public space through the agency of columnism has been that of critical solidarity with PMB. While opinions will naturally be divided on the President on the basis of partisanship, there are virtues of his that are never in dispute. Even the fiercest critics cannot deny his personal integrity, humility, forebearance, genuine compassion for the poor and the vulnerable, frugal taste, contempt for primitive acquisition and patriotism.

These are values I share also.
We have seen these lofty qualities on display at the many twists and turns of the Buhari trajectory in the last four decades across the national firmament. As we learnt from history, to gain public acceptance in 1983, the soldiers of fortune had to name Buhari head of the coup that buried the second republic. Later, the good soldier from Daura would not bend his high principle of incorruptibility. Till the end, he refused to compromise his values in exchange for the security of office, and was more than willing to let go the summer night they finally came for him.

Through PMB’s force of personal example in the past four years, we have seen money increasingly losing its power in political contest. That is not to say perfection has been attained. Let it be recognized that it is not everything that grows in the orchard that was planted by the diligent gardener; weeds are inevitable.

As a testimony, not a few media managers will agree that the 2019 presidential election was the cheapest in the nation’s history. Just one indicator: media advertising was generally very low. PMB’s parsimony meant a breather too for the opposition as no one came under pressure to auction their property to match the financial firepower of the ruling party, unlike in the past when anyone with access to CBN would simply outmuscle others with Naira. In most places, APC had to rely on Buhari’s charisma to sell.

With such prudence, the leader invariably inspires a culture that ensures the nation’s scarce resources are utilized only for things that benefit the people more.

Unlike what happened in 2014/2015, Buhari would not have approved the $2.1b meant to buy arms to fight Boko Haram be shared like candy to the ruling party’s fat cats and obese rats, thus not only denying our long-suffering troops a fighting chance against the worse adversary the nation has ever known, but also endangering the very basis of our national existence.

Again, one cannot have any moral difficulty serving Professor Osinbajo. Through deeds more than words, he has continued to demonstrate what is possible when high integrity is matched with matchless intellect in the pursuit of common good for the society.
The scripture forever teaches us that the people rejoice when the righteous are in authority. For a nation whose values had been debased over the years by a succession of political pimps, where conmen have been misnamed as heroes, cant canonized as substance, where people seem too eager to spend what they don’t earn, this very loyal Vice President offers some hope that the paradise lost can indeed still be regained and national pride restored.

Of course, there is no way I can tell the story of my first transition from the newsroom to public office without acknowledging Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. He, it was, that prevailed on me in 2011 to take up the offer from Edo, counseling that, if nothing at all, it would offer me an experience I could never learn in the university about not just realpolitik but also feel the true pulse of the national condition, thus equipping me to write better in future.
There are great lessons to be learnt from Jagaban as well. The story of the Tinubu evolution is undoubtedly a profile in consistency and uncommon courage in the defence of a conviction. A true test of a man’s character is taken not in the time of convenience, but by the choices he makes under great temptations in adversity.
When easy compromise was profitable and switching political camp was most glamorous, Tinubu preferred to endure the loneliness of opposition and, with uncommon equanimity, bore the vicious onslaught of rampaging PDP for more than a decade as a key opposition leader.

While latter-day revisionists are quick to attack him more out of envy of the influence he presently wields in the polity, only a few are charitable enough to also acknowledge his self-sacrifice in the popular struggle for democracy against military despotism in the 90s.

Without any strong hope of surviving Abacha’s ubiquitous hitmen even while on exile abroad, much less the faintest chance of ever returning home to vie for Lagos governorship in 1999, Asiwaju would give up all his life savings to bankroll NADECO. As Colonel Tony Nyiam (rtd) recently revealed, at some point, Tinubu started selling his property and putting the proceeds at the disposal of the struggle to restore democracy in Nigeria, while several others were seeking easy accommodation with Abacha at home to either secure their next meal ticket or for continued political relevance.

So, as I heed the call to serve at the national level, I am conscious of the burden of moral responsibility. With my eternal hero, Professor Wole Soyinka – from whose transcendental example we learn the values of integrity, justice, honour, courage and patriotism – already giving me his fatherly blessings, I proceed without fear. I didn’t accept the Edo offer in July 2011 without consulting him. His great counsel had echoed in my ears throughout the days I spent in Benin.
Back in my native Edo, the great Oba of Benin, Ewuare II, forever reminds us that, being products of an illustrious DNA, we have no choice but be men and women of character and courage. Nor can I afford to disappoint my friend and big brother, the “Wake and See” governor of Edo State, Godwin Noghehase Obaseki.

I already assure my three “big daddies” in Lagos and Akure – Prince Julius Adelusi-Adeluyi, Sir Joseph Arumemi-Ikhide and Pa Seinde Arogbofa; my spiritual mentor – Pastor Paul Adefarasin of House on the Rock; and God-sent “egbons” – Tunji Bello, Dele Alake, Professor Pat Utomi, Ex-Governor Ikedi Ohakim of Imo, Jimoh Ibrahim, OFR, and Oseni Elamah that I shall not depart from the values of integrity and patriotism they taught me.

Let me conclude by saying that I cherish the fraternity this forum fostered between readers and my humble self in the last four years. As I take up the gospel of the “Next Agenda” in the coming days, our conversation will continue, in fact more frequently.

God Bless you all.

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Natasha’s reason for her removal as committee chair misleading- Senator

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Chairman of the Senate Committee on Gas, Agom Jarigbe, has clarified that the removal of Kogi Central Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as Chairperson of the Senate Committee on Local Content had no connection to the siting of Mini LNG Plants in Ajaokuta, Kogi State.

Mr Jarigbe, who represents Cross River North Senatorial District, made the clarification in a statement on Sunday.

“The claim that her role or involvement in the siting of the LNG plants played a part in her replacement is categorically incorrect,” he said.

This clarification follows a claim by the Kogi senator in a telephone interview with Berekete Family, a human rights radio station in Abuja, on Friday.

In the interview, Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan said she was recently removed from the Senate Committee on Local Content due to perceived biases and that some lawmakers suspected she was diverting resources meant for the Niger Delta to the north.

“Just two weeks ago, I was removed from a committee on local content. I was moved from there because some people perceived that I was using that office to divert resources from the Niger Delta to the north, and that was not it,” she said in the interview.

However, Mr Jarigbe, a member of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan, refuted these claims, describing them as baseless and misleading.

Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan has been an outspoken lawmaker, particularly in the Senate Committee on Steel Development, where she serves as vice chairperson.

During the 2025 budget defence sessions in January, she actively scrutinised and criticised the Federal Ministry of Steel Development, uncovering fraudulent activities involving ghost contractors and unimplemented projects.

Notably, on 22 January, she raised concerns over a questionable N2 billion project for youth training in metal works. She highlighted discrepancies in the budget and inconsistent implementation.

Her tenure as chairperson of the Senate Committee on Local Content was also marked by rigorous oversight, ensuring accountability from agencies under its jurisdiction.

However, on 4 February, upon resumption of plenary for the year, Senate President Godswill Akpabio reassigned her from the local content committee to the Committee on Diaspora and Non-Governmental Organisations.

Given that the local content committee oversees lucrative oil agencies, many speculate that her reassignment was politically motivated, possibly reacting to her unwavering scrutiny of government projects.

Response to allegation of LNG projects influence

Mr Jarigbe said neither Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan nor the Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board (NCDMB) played any role in determining the location of the LNG plants.

He explained that the LNG projects, which are Prime LNG, NGML/Gasnexus LNG, BUA LNG, Highland LNG, and LNG Arete, are private sector-driven initiatives, not federal government projects.

He further emphasised that the decision to site the plants in Ajaokuta was made solely by private investors after considering economic viability, access to gas pipelines, and operational efficiency.

Mr Jarigbe also noted that while Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan was invited to project engagements, her participation was not different from that of other National Assembly members, and her presence did not equate to influencing the project’s location.

“As chairman of the Senate Committee on Gas, I have received numerous inquiries from concerned Nigerians questioning why Ajaokuta was selected as the site for these Plants.

“Private investors make decisions based on the profitability and sustainability of their investments, not political affiliations or considerations,” he said.

Call for conduct and responsibility among senators

Mr Jarigbe also urged his colleagues to exercise caution in their public remarks, reminding them that parliamentary immunity applies only within the Senate chambers.

He cautioned against defamatory statements and emphasised the need for decorum in legislative conduct.

“There is no protection or immunity outside the chamber, and we must exercise restraint and circumspection in our speeches and actions.

“Our behaviour and words must reflect the dignity and responsibility vested in us by the people of Nigeria. The law does not provide immunity for a Senator who defames anyone,” Mr Jarigbe said.

The senator encouraged adherence to Senate Standing Orders.

He said, “Finally, I urge my distinguished colleagues to review and adhere to the Senate Standing Orders and to conduct ourselves in a manner that upholds the sanctity of the Senate and the high office we hold.”

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Oando Boss, Wale Tinubu Receives Award as Best Investor of the Year

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Jubril Adewale Tinubu, oil tycoon and GCE of leading oil and gas firm, OANDO, yesterday shone brilliantly like a well-cut diamond when he received the award for the New Telegraph Investor/Transaction of the Year 2024.

 

The oil guru with three decades of expectational performance in the oil sector was among other prominent Nigerians that went home with honours at the Oriental Hotels, venue of the ceremony.

 

The award, described as well- deserved, was presented to Tinubu for leading his team to successfully completing the acquisition of Agip Oil Company at $783 million.

 

The transaction, which was completed in August 2024, was described my many as a remarkable one the nation’s economy.

 

Tinubu is an intelligent, pragmatic and a genius who strikes when the iron is hottest.

 

Gifted with a knack to spot opportunity ahead of the crowd, Tinubu has in the last 30 years of unbroken entrepreneurial voyage positioned Oando among the best oil and gas company in the world.

He believes Nigeria offers limitless possibilities and opportunities, and holds high, at all times, the banner of hope.

 

Today, the business has not only earned him fame and wealth, but has also contributed in great measures to the economic development of Africa and beyond.

 

Other awardees on the night include Governor Babagana Zulum of Borno State won the Governor of the Year 2024; Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu of Lagos State received the Governor of the Year in Projects, while Governor Ahmed Aliyu of Sokoto State won Governor of the Year in Economy

 

 

Others are Governor Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State; Osun State Governor, Senator Ademola Adeleke; Ekiti State Governor, Biodun Oyebanji; Group Chief Executive Officer of the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL), Mr Mele Kyari, won the newspaper’s prestigious Man of the Year 2024, while the Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development, Barrister Festus Keyamo (SAN), won Minister of the Year 2024 in Transformative Leadership.

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The weaponization of justice and the injustice faced by Dan Etete – Jeremiah Perekeme 0woupele

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In the intricate corridors of global jurisprudence, the scales of justice often tip under the weight of political machinations and economic interests. The case of Dan Etete, Nigeria’s former Minister of Petroleum, epitomizes how legal systems can be manipulated, leading to profound personal and national injustices.

Dan Etete, appointed as Nigeria’s Minister of Petroleum Resources in 1995, played a pivotal role in introducing the marginal oil field regime and indigenous participation in Nigeria’s oil and gas industry. His contributions have however been beclouded by the controversy around the controversial OPL 245. This oil block, one of Africa’s richest, became the focus of a protracted legal battle involving major oil companies amid allegations of corruption. Etete’s involvement led to accusations that have marred his reputation and overshadowed his contributions to Nigeria’s oil sector.

In a landmark decision, an Italian court acquitted Eni, Shell, and associated individuals, including Etete, of corruption charges related to OPL 245. The court concluded that there was no case to answer, highlighting the absence of sufficient evidence to substantiate the allegations. This verdict underscores the complexities inherent in international legal proceedings, where accusations often outpace the evidence required for conviction.

Etete’s ordeal is not isolated. Globally, individuals have faced similar legal battles, where accusations are levied, with years spent in court, only to culminate in acquittals. These cases highlight systemic issues within legal frameworks that allow for the weaponization of justice, often driven by political or economic motivations.

The protracted legal saga of Amanda Knox serves as a poignant illustration of Italy’s judicial labyrinth. Knox, an American student, was accused of the 2007 murder of Meredith Kercher in Perugia. After initial convictions and subsequent acquittals, she was finally exonerated by Italy’s Supreme Court in 2015.

The case highlighted significant issues within the Italian legal system. Issues were raised around the handling of forensic evidence, media interference, and prosecutorial conduct. It also underscored the challenges of ensuring justice in a system where legal procedures can be as complex as the crimes themselves.

In the UK, the case of the Birmingham Six remains a stark reminder of the fallibility of justice systems. Six Irish men were wrongfully convicted in 1975 for pub bombings in Birmingham, based on coerced confessions and questionable forensic evidence. After 16 years of imprisonment, their convictions were quashed in 1991, revealing systemic flaws such as investigative misconduct and the suppression of evidence. This case prompted significant reforms in the UK’s criminal justice system, emphasizing the need for checks and balances to prevent miscarriages of justice.

The term “weaponization of justice” refers to the deliberate manipulation of legal systems to achieve objectives beyond the pursuit of truth and fairness. The weaponization of legal technicalities, whether through coerced confessions, mishandled evidence, or political interference, undermines the foundational principles of justice.

In Dan Etete’s case, the prolonged legal battles, despite eventual acquittal, suggest a misuse of judicial processes, leading to reputational damage. Despite his achievements that merit recognition, and most notably his discharge and acquittal in three jurisdictions – ITALY, UNITED KINGDOM, and Nigeria; he has remained the focal point of smear campaigns.

What does his discharge and acquittal really mean? It means that Dan Etete has been formally cleared of charges in a court of law. This means the court has found him not guilty of the charges brought against him. An acquittal signifies that there was insufficient evidence to prove the person committed the alleged offence, or was proven innocent. This means the accused is released from the legal process and is free to go. If he has been found to have done nothing wrong by the Nigerian Legal system, where the judiciary has come under scrutiny in recent times, is it being insinuated that the course of justice was perverted in those other jurisdictions?

In reflecting upon the Chief Dan Etete cases, it becomes evident that the pursuit of justice requires constant vigilance, systemic introspection, and unwavering commitment to fairness. Just as poverty can be weaponized to perpetuate societal inequities, legal ambiguities when exploited, lead to miscarriages of justice.

Moreover, they erode public trust in legal institutions, deter individuals from public service, and can have economic repercussions, especially in sectors as vital as oil and gas. Furthermore, they highlight the need for reforms to prevent the misuse of legal systems and to ensure that justice is truly blind.

Politically Exposed Persons (PEPs) often find themselves under intense scrutiny due to their influential positions, making them susceptible to allegations of corruption. In several instances, PEPs have been wrongfully accused and, despite subsequent exoneration, have suffered significant reputational damage due to smear campaigns. Here are five notable cases from different countries:

Former President John Dramani Mahama was implicated in a bribery scandal involving Airbus SE, with allegations suggesting his involvement through his brother, Samuel Adam Mahama. These claims, lacking substantial evidence, were perceived as politically motivated to tarnish Mahama’s reputation and divert attention from governmental shortcomings. The Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP) eventually exonerated Mahama, but the smear campaign had already inflicted damage on his public image.

Adolphus Wabara, former President of the Nigerian Senate, faced allegations in 2005 of accepting a ₦55 million bribe to influence budget approvals. Despite his resignation and a prolonged 14-year legal battle, Wabara was acquitted in 2019 due to insufficient evidence.

Frederick Chiluba, Zambia’s second President, faced allegations of embezzling public funds after his tenure ended in 2002. Following a protracted legal process, Chiluba was acquitted of all charges in 2009. The court determined that the prosecution failed to provide compelling evidence linking him to the alleged crimes. This verdict underscored the challenges in distinguishing between political vendettas and genuine anti-corruption efforts.

Georgia Thompson, a Wisconsin state employee, was convicted in 2006 on federal corruption charges, accused of steering a state contract for political reasons. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit overturned her conviction in 2007, citing a lack of evidence.

Former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia was accused of misusing funds related to the Zia Charitable Trust, leading to her conviction and imprisonment in 2018. In November 2024, the Supreme Court of Bangladesh acquitted Zia and all co-accused, citing a lack of credible evidence.

Nabil Sayadi, director of the European branch of the Global Relief Foundation, was accused of transferring funds to an Al-Qaeda financier, leading to his inclusion on international watch-lists and the freezing of his assets. In 2006, Belgian judges exonerated Sayadi, citing a lack of evidence linking him to terrorist activities.

These cases highlight the profound impact that unfounded corruption allegations and smear campaigns can have on PEPs, often resulting in lasting reputational harm even after legal exoneration.While many accusations are substantiated, there are notable instances where PEPs have been wrongfully accused and subsequently exonerated by the legal system.

Chief Dan Etete’s experience, like the ones already referenced, serves as a stark reminder of the potential for justice systems to be weaponized. It calls for introspection and reform to safeguard the principles of fairness and equity, ensuring that individuals are protected from undue legal persecutions driven by interests that have little to do with justice. This underscores the necessity for robust legal frameworks that ensure due process, protect individuals from politically motivated accusations, and uphold the integrity of judicial systems worldwide.

*** Jeremiah Perekeme Owoupele is a Niger Delta based lawyer.

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