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Professor Charles Dokubo and the Stench of the Presidential Amnesty Programme

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“The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership. There is nothing basically wrong with the Nigerian land or climate or water or air or anything else. The Nigerian problem is the unwillingness or inability of its leaders to rise to the responsibility, to the challenge of personal example which are the hallmarks of true leadership.”

                                                      –Chinua Achebe

The concept of leadership is universal, cutting across several boundaries. Leadership  is an important ingredient in the activities of government; the determining factor between success and failure in a society.

Because of its infinitely defining nature therefore, Leadership is serious business and essentially demands an innate ability to foresee, a commitment and dedication to serve, the selflessness to be equitable and honesty to be accountable, all of which underpin the operative words of Chinua Achebe’s quote above in ‘unwillingness or inability of leaders to rise to the responsibility’, buttressing yet that being in a position of leadership is not in itself an end, but only a means to an end.

The Niger Delta region in Nigeria, adjudged the world’s largest wetland, representing over 90% of Nigeria’s foreign exchange earnings has for as long as time been characterized by ecological squalor, high degree of unemployment, teeming youth restlessness, developmentally barren communities, and a heavy air of hopelessness, all of which have over the years been augmented by poor leadership both in the region and at the federal level.

This situation ignited appalling bloodbath, sabotaging of oil installations, kidnapping,   piracy, oil  bunkering,  guerrilla attacks on the security agents and fierce militancy which held the region spellbound for many years, causing Nigeria’s oil production at a time to drop to as low as about 900,000barrels per day from 2.3  million bpd, costing the nation about N8.7 billion daily. This was critical to the economy for a country that over 90% of its income derives from crude, with over 200 million in population.

The amnesty programme, introduced by late President Umaru Yar’Adua in 2009 has since proven to be a recipe for peace in the hitherto restive region, but that peace which paved the way for oil companies to resume normal business activities and provided the necessary boost to the oil-reliant Nigerian economy is fast becoming fragile given the documented cases of corruption in the leadership of the programme.

As it turned out, most of the militants were jobless youths, driven by their conditions into living dangerously in the creeks. The three phases of the amnesty programme being Disarmament Programme, Demobilization Programme and Reintegration Programme were thus conceieved to ultimately reintegrate these militants back into society and so they were placed on monthly stipends, made to learn trades while others secured university admissions to study in  Nigeria and abroad.

It is this reintegration phase that to a large extent shows the success or failure of the amnesty programme, and until the present regime headed by Professor Charles Dokubo, the programme seemed well on course.

Sidelining the mandate for which the Amnesty Programme was established, the leadership of the programme under leadership of Dokubo is being rampantly abused.

The programme is now obviously derailed given the festering corruption it has been caught up in and it would seem Professor Charles Dokubo does not have a good understanding of the dynamics of the program, the region or is simply too pre-occupied with inordinate interests to give a hoot.

It is sad indeed that even with the capacity of the programme to transform the economy of the region and Nigeria’s at large, its implementation has been compromised on  the platter of mediocrity and self- aggrandizement.

Several allegations of mismanagement and embezzlement of money allocated to the Presidential Amnesty Programme have been made against the office.

Thousands of beneficiaries whose names made the original list do not receive payments anymore as their names have been reportedly swapped for ghost names, while beneficiaries who await calls for their various techno-vocational training have been left in limbo.

Appearing too elitist to identify with the common people of the region whose demands have remained the same from the onset, Dokubo does not engage with the core people behind the struggle in the region as reports have it that since he was appointed to head the programme, he has never visited any state, clan or kingdom in the Niger Delta, which sounds absurd, given the place of assuring peace, development and security which are the bedrock of the amnesty programme.

Dokubo lacks the knowledge or ability to deal with the grassroots, the true ex-agitators and prefers dealing with the white-collar ivy leaguers with little knowledge of the terrain and ghost ex-agitators, thereby mortgaging the essence of the programme.

At the Kaiama Amnesty Centre, mismanagement and vandalisation of equipment worth billions of Naira in the starter Pack Warehouse at the centre is one of the sad reminders of Dokubo’s incompetence.

In like manner, the Ondo State VTC commissioned several months ago with equipment at the center worth billions of naira, lies rotting away with none ever sent there for training, while stupendous sums of money are constantly awarded for training.

There has been reports of the award of fictitious contracts going on at the agency designed to siphon money from the system; as payments are often made for supplies never delivered; with contracts sold and awarded for projects that never served the purpose of the programme.

Immorality has also reportedly gained prime place in the regime of the prof by indecent relationships with female staff and female contractors while contractors now bring women to get contracts.

Funds meant for ex- agitators’ training are wantonly looted to the extent that about nine thousand ex field agitators who still await call to be fully engaged by the government are yet to be recognized and carried along by Prof. Dokubo’s team.

What’s more, the non-payment of tuition fees of students sponsored under the amnesty programme in tertiary institutions has resulted in these students being asked to withdraw, which might well be the summit of the ignominious charade by the amnesty office.

The office of the programme is reported to currently be in debt of over 20billion Naira and still accumulating. This is clearly a pointer to leadership failure, looting and mismanagement of resources in the amnesty agency.

Chicanery in government offices is not new in Nigeria, but after holding sway for so long, the coming in of President Buhari with his gospel of anti-corruption elicited huge breaths of relief from Nigerians who have been at the receiving end of the cankerworm.

With these grave cases of corruption in the leadership of the amnesty programme of the federal government, it can  be reasonably expected that the president will be seen to take a decisive action on the matter, since the plan of the House of Representatives to set up an ad hoc committee to investigate the allegations is yet to see the light of the day for reasons not clear.

Dokubo himself alluded to the importance of working in close relationship with leaders in the region when he newly came in, but that spirit and resolve seem to have been vitiated by corruption.

According to his inaugural speech; “I have come to the conclusion that the Amnesty Programme would be better managed and better results achieved, if the managers of the Programme work very closely with leaders in the Niger Delta. In a nutshell, as the Coordinator of the Amnesty Programme, I intend to work very closely with you leaders in the region and other key stakeholders of the Amnesty Program.”

He may also unwittingly or subtly have alluded to the fact that there would be incidences of corruption when he admitted he will make mistakes.

“I am determined to radically improve on what I met on ground at the Amnesty Office. I am not perfect. I am most likely going to make mistakes along the line, especially given the peculiar nature of the Amnesty Programme.” And he did.

It is obvious that the leadership of the presidential amnesty programme has woefully failed in carrying out its mandate, and the situation demands that the government wades in urgently and put an end to the embarrassing reports of thievery and debauchery emanating from the office.

No time in the history of the programme have there been stentorian cries for the removal of its boss, as in the instant case with Dokubo, whose appointment is beginning to raise eyebrows, questioning the criteria with which he was appointed.

The Pan Niger Delta Youth Leadership (PANDLEAF) believes that leadership failure is the nucleus of the problems confronting the Niger Delta region and according to its leader, Mr. Akinawa, “We can’t fold hands as youth and expect change. The time for us to take action is now and that is the intent of PANDLEAF; to awaken the youths of the Niger Delta for common good where leaders have failed.”

Lending its voice to the rot in the amnesty programme is the Coalition of Niger Delta Ex-agitators under the auspices of Creek Dragons who have called on President Muhammadu Buhari to urgently remove the current coordinator of the programme, Prof. Charles Quaker Dokubo.

The former creek warlords in a statement released to the press maintained that Prof. Dokubo is alien to the Niger Delta struggle for emancipation, accusing him of incompetence and alleged that the entire amnesty program has become a caricature, while stressing that his removal from office will better the amnesty program in moving forward and achieving its aims and objectives.

For that matter, the office of the presidential amnesty programme is one the president should of necessity be very much interested in, as the stench of rot wafting from the office across the region it is meant to serve is becoming intolerable and stands at variance with the vision and resolve of Mr. President as it concerns uprightness and accountability in public offices.

The kind of person needed to man the affairs of the office is one well vested with knowledge about the core issues of the region and objectives of the programme as drawn by the federal government. A person who commands the respect of leaders in the region as well as the confidence of the ex-agitators. This crop of people exists but have seemingly been constantly sidelined because of the politics involved in the whole thing.

Apparently, the Profeessor may have gotten this far by his dis-ingenuity and it is not a hidden fact that he has also been expending colossal amounts of money to secure his being retained as head of the amnesty programme, but things cannot keep on going the way they are with different results expected.

Stakeholders and well-meaning Nigerians are now champing at the bit for a quick and worthy change of leadership in the office of the presidential amnesty programme.

Otherwise the fragile peace that has so far been enjoyed in the once violent region may simply crumble.

Manny Ita, a Public Affairs Commentator writes from Bayelsa.

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Natasha’s reason for her removal as committee chair misleading- Senator

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Chairman of the Senate Committee on Gas, Agom Jarigbe, has clarified that the removal of Kogi Central Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as Chairperson of the Senate Committee on Local Content had no connection to the siting of Mini LNG Plants in Ajaokuta, Kogi State.

Mr Jarigbe, who represents Cross River North Senatorial District, made the clarification in a statement on Sunday.

“The claim that her role or involvement in the siting of the LNG plants played a part in her replacement is categorically incorrect,” he said.

This clarification follows a claim by the Kogi senator in a telephone interview with Berekete Family, a human rights radio station in Abuja, on Friday.

In the interview, Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan said she was recently removed from the Senate Committee on Local Content due to perceived biases and that some lawmakers suspected she was diverting resources meant for the Niger Delta to the north.

“Just two weeks ago, I was removed from a committee on local content. I was moved from there because some people perceived that I was using that office to divert resources from the Niger Delta to the north, and that was not it,” she said in the interview.

However, Mr Jarigbe, a member of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan, refuted these claims, describing them as baseless and misleading.

Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan has been an outspoken lawmaker, particularly in the Senate Committee on Steel Development, where she serves as vice chairperson.

During the 2025 budget defence sessions in January, she actively scrutinised and criticised the Federal Ministry of Steel Development, uncovering fraudulent activities involving ghost contractors and unimplemented projects.

Notably, on 22 January, she raised concerns over a questionable N2 billion project for youth training in metal works. She highlighted discrepancies in the budget and inconsistent implementation.

Her tenure as chairperson of the Senate Committee on Local Content was also marked by rigorous oversight, ensuring accountability from agencies under its jurisdiction.

However, on 4 February, upon resumption of plenary for the year, Senate President Godswill Akpabio reassigned her from the local content committee to the Committee on Diaspora and Non-Governmental Organisations.

Given that the local content committee oversees lucrative oil agencies, many speculate that her reassignment was politically motivated, possibly reacting to her unwavering scrutiny of government projects.

Response to allegation of LNG projects influence

Mr Jarigbe said neither Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan nor the Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board (NCDMB) played any role in determining the location of the LNG plants.

He explained that the LNG projects, which are Prime LNG, NGML/Gasnexus LNG, BUA LNG, Highland LNG, and LNG Arete, are private sector-driven initiatives, not federal government projects.

He further emphasised that the decision to site the plants in Ajaokuta was made solely by private investors after considering economic viability, access to gas pipelines, and operational efficiency.

Mr Jarigbe also noted that while Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan was invited to project engagements, her participation was not different from that of other National Assembly members, and her presence did not equate to influencing the project’s location.

“As chairman of the Senate Committee on Gas, I have received numerous inquiries from concerned Nigerians questioning why Ajaokuta was selected as the site for these Plants.

“Private investors make decisions based on the profitability and sustainability of their investments, not political affiliations or considerations,” he said.

Call for conduct and responsibility among senators

Mr Jarigbe also urged his colleagues to exercise caution in their public remarks, reminding them that parliamentary immunity applies only within the Senate chambers.

He cautioned against defamatory statements and emphasised the need for decorum in legislative conduct.

“There is no protection or immunity outside the chamber, and we must exercise restraint and circumspection in our speeches and actions.

“Our behaviour and words must reflect the dignity and responsibility vested in us by the people of Nigeria. The law does not provide immunity for a Senator who defames anyone,” Mr Jarigbe said.

The senator encouraged adherence to Senate Standing Orders.

He said, “Finally, I urge my distinguished colleagues to review and adhere to the Senate Standing Orders and to conduct ourselves in a manner that upholds the sanctity of the Senate and the high office we hold.”

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Oando Boss, Wale Tinubu Receives Award as Best Investor of the Year

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Jubril Adewale Tinubu, oil tycoon and GCE of leading oil and gas firm, OANDO, yesterday shone brilliantly like a well-cut diamond when he received the award for the New Telegraph Investor/Transaction of the Year 2024.

 

The oil guru with three decades of expectational performance in the oil sector was among other prominent Nigerians that went home with honours at the Oriental Hotels, venue of the ceremony.

 

The award, described as well- deserved, was presented to Tinubu for leading his team to successfully completing the acquisition of Agip Oil Company at $783 million.

 

The transaction, which was completed in August 2024, was described my many as a remarkable one the nation’s economy.

 

Tinubu is an intelligent, pragmatic and a genius who strikes when the iron is hottest.

 

Gifted with a knack to spot opportunity ahead of the crowd, Tinubu has in the last 30 years of unbroken entrepreneurial voyage positioned Oando among the best oil and gas company in the world.

He believes Nigeria offers limitless possibilities and opportunities, and holds high, at all times, the banner of hope.

 

Today, the business has not only earned him fame and wealth, but has also contributed in great measures to the economic development of Africa and beyond.

 

Other awardees on the night include Governor Babagana Zulum of Borno State won the Governor of the Year 2024; Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu of Lagos State received the Governor of the Year in Projects, while Governor Ahmed Aliyu of Sokoto State won Governor of the Year in Economy

 

 

Others are Governor Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State; Osun State Governor, Senator Ademola Adeleke; Ekiti State Governor, Biodun Oyebanji; Group Chief Executive Officer of the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL), Mr Mele Kyari, won the newspaper’s prestigious Man of the Year 2024, while the Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development, Barrister Festus Keyamo (SAN), won Minister of the Year 2024 in Transformative Leadership.

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The weaponization of justice and the injustice faced by Dan Etete – Jeremiah Perekeme 0woupele

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In the intricate corridors of global jurisprudence, the scales of justice often tip under the weight of political machinations and economic interests. The case of Dan Etete, Nigeria’s former Minister of Petroleum, epitomizes how legal systems can be manipulated, leading to profound personal and national injustices.

Dan Etete, appointed as Nigeria’s Minister of Petroleum Resources in 1995, played a pivotal role in introducing the marginal oil field regime and indigenous participation in Nigeria’s oil and gas industry. His contributions have however been beclouded by the controversy around the controversial OPL 245. This oil block, one of Africa’s richest, became the focus of a protracted legal battle involving major oil companies amid allegations of corruption. Etete’s involvement led to accusations that have marred his reputation and overshadowed his contributions to Nigeria’s oil sector.

In a landmark decision, an Italian court acquitted Eni, Shell, and associated individuals, including Etete, of corruption charges related to OPL 245. The court concluded that there was no case to answer, highlighting the absence of sufficient evidence to substantiate the allegations. This verdict underscores the complexities inherent in international legal proceedings, where accusations often outpace the evidence required for conviction.

Etete’s ordeal is not isolated. Globally, individuals have faced similar legal battles, where accusations are levied, with years spent in court, only to culminate in acquittals. These cases highlight systemic issues within legal frameworks that allow for the weaponization of justice, often driven by political or economic motivations.

The protracted legal saga of Amanda Knox serves as a poignant illustration of Italy’s judicial labyrinth. Knox, an American student, was accused of the 2007 murder of Meredith Kercher in Perugia. After initial convictions and subsequent acquittals, she was finally exonerated by Italy’s Supreme Court in 2015.

The case highlighted significant issues within the Italian legal system. Issues were raised around the handling of forensic evidence, media interference, and prosecutorial conduct. It also underscored the challenges of ensuring justice in a system where legal procedures can be as complex as the crimes themselves.

In the UK, the case of the Birmingham Six remains a stark reminder of the fallibility of justice systems. Six Irish men were wrongfully convicted in 1975 for pub bombings in Birmingham, based on coerced confessions and questionable forensic evidence. After 16 years of imprisonment, their convictions were quashed in 1991, revealing systemic flaws such as investigative misconduct and the suppression of evidence. This case prompted significant reforms in the UK’s criminal justice system, emphasizing the need for checks and balances to prevent miscarriages of justice.

The term “weaponization of justice” refers to the deliberate manipulation of legal systems to achieve objectives beyond the pursuit of truth and fairness. The weaponization of legal technicalities, whether through coerced confessions, mishandled evidence, or political interference, undermines the foundational principles of justice.

In Dan Etete’s case, the prolonged legal battles, despite eventual acquittal, suggest a misuse of judicial processes, leading to reputational damage. Despite his achievements that merit recognition, and most notably his discharge and acquittal in three jurisdictions – ITALY, UNITED KINGDOM, and Nigeria; he has remained the focal point of smear campaigns.

What does his discharge and acquittal really mean? It means that Dan Etete has been formally cleared of charges in a court of law. This means the court has found him not guilty of the charges brought against him. An acquittal signifies that there was insufficient evidence to prove the person committed the alleged offence, or was proven innocent. This means the accused is released from the legal process and is free to go. If he has been found to have done nothing wrong by the Nigerian Legal system, where the judiciary has come under scrutiny in recent times, is it being insinuated that the course of justice was perverted in those other jurisdictions?

In reflecting upon the Chief Dan Etete cases, it becomes evident that the pursuit of justice requires constant vigilance, systemic introspection, and unwavering commitment to fairness. Just as poverty can be weaponized to perpetuate societal inequities, legal ambiguities when exploited, lead to miscarriages of justice.

Moreover, they erode public trust in legal institutions, deter individuals from public service, and can have economic repercussions, especially in sectors as vital as oil and gas. Furthermore, they highlight the need for reforms to prevent the misuse of legal systems and to ensure that justice is truly blind.

Politically Exposed Persons (PEPs) often find themselves under intense scrutiny due to their influential positions, making them susceptible to allegations of corruption. In several instances, PEPs have been wrongfully accused and, despite subsequent exoneration, have suffered significant reputational damage due to smear campaigns. Here are five notable cases from different countries:

Former President John Dramani Mahama was implicated in a bribery scandal involving Airbus SE, with allegations suggesting his involvement through his brother, Samuel Adam Mahama. These claims, lacking substantial evidence, were perceived as politically motivated to tarnish Mahama’s reputation and divert attention from governmental shortcomings. The Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP) eventually exonerated Mahama, but the smear campaign had already inflicted damage on his public image.

Adolphus Wabara, former President of the Nigerian Senate, faced allegations in 2005 of accepting a ₦55 million bribe to influence budget approvals. Despite his resignation and a prolonged 14-year legal battle, Wabara was acquitted in 2019 due to insufficient evidence.

Frederick Chiluba, Zambia’s second President, faced allegations of embezzling public funds after his tenure ended in 2002. Following a protracted legal process, Chiluba was acquitted of all charges in 2009. The court determined that the prosecution failed to provide compelling evidence linking him to the alleged crimes. This verdict underscored the challenges in distinguishing between political vendettas and genuine anti-corruption efforts.

Georgia Thompson, a Wisconsin state employee, was convicted in 2006 on federal corruption charges, accused of steering a state contract for political reasons. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit overturned her conviction in 2007, citing a lack of evidence.

Former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia was accused of misusing funds related to the Zia Charitable Trust, leading to her conviction and imprisonment in 2018. In November 2024, the Supreme Court of Bangladesh acquitted Zia and all co-accused, citing a lack of credible evidence.

Nabil Sayadi, director of the European branch of the Global Relief Foundation, was accused of transferring funds to an Al-Qaeda financier, leading to his inclusion on international watch-lists and the freezing of his assets. In 2006, Belgian judges exonerated Sayadi, citing a lack of evidence linking him to terrorist activities.

These cases highlight the profound impact that unfounded corruption allegations and smear campaigns can have on PEPs, often resulting in lasting reputational harm even after legal exoneration.While many accusations are substantiated, there are notable instances where PEPs have been wrongfully accused and subsequently exonerated by the legal system.

Chief Dan Etete’s experience, like the ones already referenced, serves as a stark reminder of the potential for justice systems to be weaponized. It calls for introspection and reform to safeguard the principles of fairness and equity, ensuring that individuals are protected from undue legal persecutions driven by interests that have little to do with justice. This underscores the necessity for robust legal frameworks that ensure due process, protect individuals from politically motivated accusations, and uphold the integrity of judicial systems worldwide.

*** Jeremiah Perekeme Owoupele is a Niger Delta based lawyer.

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