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Royal rumble in Warri: Olu Of Warri, Itsekiri, Good Times Are Over

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* Monarch’s opponents mull factional Olu as crisis persists
* Group slams monarch for dividing Itsekiri, warns of consequences
* Monarch, family feuds split communities
* Group writes Olu, snubs monarch’s meeting offer

OLUS of Warri Kingdom, Ogiame (king of the river), are crowned with great fanfare and high expectations from the Itsekiri people. They ‘lord’ over their subjects across five local government areas in Delta State and at least two others in neighbouring Edo. This was the same for 39-year-old 21st Olu of Warri, Ogiame Atuwatse III, despite the controversies that bedeviled his election and inauguration in April and August 2021 respectively.

If there is any string that binds the Itsekiri ethnic nationality tightly, it is their monarch, who is second only to God in the realm of their affairs. He is worshiped and revered to an extent that Atuwatse II (the current Olu’s father), felt was only befitting of Jesus Christ and God, and not any human. He tried but failed to change this godlike worship of the throne and the title of Ogiam (water king), which he felt owed allegiance to marine deities. In a far-reaching proclamation, the monarch banned the singing of Ara olori re, the tribe’s anthem, which encapsulates respect for the throne. He was forced to recant the controversial September 2013 decree after a weeklong siege to his palace by his aggrieved subject, who insisted on the status quo ante.

Atuwatse III’s ascension to the throne, six years after the death of his father, was greeted with much pomp and pageantry, despite the controversies that dogged his selection. His choice of title, Atuwatse III, was significant and toes his late father’s path, and promised to deliver on the dreams of the nation.

He fits the bill of 21st century ‘woke’ monarch; he is handsome, walks majestically, shoulders straight, head high and his gait measured. He is suave, and soft-spoken, delivering words in flawless English language spiced by a cool Western brogue that confirms his upper-class upbringing, and Western education. To some, he seems more of a fashion model than a monarch, yet he strikes the right chords with the youths, who backed him loyally during the succession battle in 2021.

Two years later, he sits precariously on the throne, the euphoria surrounding his ascension and the hoopla of his personality still hold his audience, especially the youths, spellbound. His popularity is boosted by his social media presence; posts about him are greeted with copious positive comments and ‘Likes’, not just by his subjects. His traipses across the globe are well documented and reported on Facebook, Instagram, and other media, and he and his wife frequently graces the cover and societal pages of newspapers.

But the monarch and his handlers are fast coming to terms with the reality that leading an enlightened tribe as the Itsekiri nation is not a function of social media acceptability. There are seething underground issues begging to be addressed, and his style of leadership, it was learnt, could be alienating even some of his most ardent supporters and those who hold solutions.

The Itsekiri nation was shocked recently by the explosive revelations by Prince Yemi Emiko, his uncle, and one of those who worked for his elevation to the throne. Yemi, a seasoned player in the palace’s politics, was actively involved in the intrigues that led to the suspension of Chief Emami, a boulder on the path of his succession. The dethrone Ologbotsere was unwilling to bend the law book guiding Olu’s succession, to accommodate the then Prince Tsola.

The 1979 Edict listed the prerequisites of would-be Olu and the process under which he must emerge. It insisted that to qualify, a prince must be born by either an Edo (Bini) or an Itsekiri mother. Those who didn’t fit that bill were exempted from the race. It was the yardstick used that exclude the current monarch in 2015 when he was first in the succession line (as his father’s first son) after the demise of his father.

Ayiri was thumping the same rule book when Yemi led other members of the Ginuwa I ruling House, the only one in the land, to suspend him. The suspension paved the way for the emergence of a willing Chief Johnson Amatserunleghe (Iyasere of Warri), to assume leadership of the Ojoye Ojusan (Olu Advisory Council). Days later, Amatserunleghe announced Prince Tsola as the gods-chosen successor to Ogiame Ikenwoli.

However, in a volte-face, Yemi said he and other handlers of that process acted against the terms of the edict. In fact, he said they installed Atuwatse III despite knowing that he was not qualified.

“I am not saying that everything we did at that time (2021) was correct or legal because we have a law that governs succession. We took certain actions with the hope that when the Olu emerges Itsekiris would sit down and look at the provision of that law (edict), and see how best we can tinker with it to be in compliance.”

“Ayiri did not commit any crime against anybody in this land. All he did was stand by the law; he was not the one who wrote the law. I called the elders and say let’s find a way to put him (monarch) on the throne and after that, we can sit down and amend the law.”

While many are wondering why it took Yemi two years to become repentant, intense criticism has greeted his disclosure, especially by supporters of the monarch, and Chief Brown Mene, the Ogwa Olusan of the kingdom, who said, “Whatever Prince Yemi Emiko said, he has no locus as far as chieftaincy is concerned. They (princes) do not have a voice to determine who is a chief or not.”

While the kingdom was reeling from the bombshell, various groups, including the Itsekiri Consultant Forum, are warning that the kingdom is drifting dangerously towards the rock. The Itsekiri Leaders of Thought had also in the past tried to calm the storm, but seems to have given up. But ICF, in a 7-page letter to the monarch, reeled out a litany of his perceived failings and wondered who is advising him.

One of the many problems that have refused to die is the palace’s handling of the dethronement of Emami as Ologbotsere, and speedily replacing him with Chief Oma Eyewuoma. The Ologbotsere Descendants have dared the monarch by not only rejecting his pick but insisting on the former.

The drama began just days before Atuwatse III’s 39th birthday, and two years after his selection as Omoba (Olu-elect). The monarch had surprised many by sending for the beleaguered Emami. He reportedly told his confidants of his mysterious dream encounter with his late father. Following the dream, he paid an unscheduled visit to the Ogbowuru deity, one of the most sacred in the nation, at Ode-Itsekiri (Big Warri). But he also riled traditionalists by visiting the shrine with a pastor and copious bottles of ‘anointing oil’.

Speaking on the fall-out of his visit to the palace, Emami told our reporter that he was suspicious of the invitation “because I also had a dream, and I suspected that something sinister was afoot.” He said he was sure that the monarch was not sincere in his call for reconciliation.

A very reliable source confided in our reporter that prior to those ‘dreams’, the Olu had approached Prince Michael Diden, and appealed to him to lead a peace shuttle to resolve all issues surrounding his kingship, Ologbotsere, and the crisis in the kingdom in general. The purpose of the meeting was to ensure the withdrawal of all pending court cases for internal settlement.

“But Diden (alias Ejele) reportedly turned down the offer, insisting that his opposition to the monarch’s coronation was well documented. He had openly denounced the Olu and insisted on Emami as the rightful Ologbotsere of the kingdom. Ejele said he would not be objective as head of the committee, and advised a neutral and generally acceptable person. The former President of the Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria (PFN) Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor was then chosen.”

The monarch’s nominees into the peace committee included chiefs Brown Mene and Robinson Ariyo, while other interest groups such as the Itsekiri Leaders of Thought brought in its secretary, Mr Amorighoye Mene. Members of the ruling and princes sent in Yemi Emik and others, with Chief Thomas Ereyitomi, Richard Omare, Michael Diden, Wilkie, Mrs. Edema, and others also listed.

It was against this backdrop that the monarch’s invitation of Chief Emami for their first face-to-face meeting generated excitement and raised hope that the crisis would be laid to rest. Yet, the man in the centre of the storm, Chief Emami was not excited. He told our reporter afterward that he was not convinced. He said he consulted his ancestors and “I knew that there is something insincere about the sudden change in the king’s stance.”

However, Pastor Oritsejafor, a respected Itsekiri pastor, and other members worked hard and gave their words that it was the way to go. Oritsejafor also dragged in Emami’s wife, Asba, a member of his flock, to convince her husband to accept the monarch’s olive branch in the “interest of Itsekiri nation” and peace.

Emami said he felt locked between a rock and a hard place: “If I didn’t attend, I would be seen as the one who does not want peace or the kingdom’s progress. I had my doubts, yet I had to go to satisfy my supporters and respected leaders who I cannot say ‘No’ to.”

The day was also set out for the revalidation of his title and the formalization of the peace in the kingdom. Revalidation is done by chiefs whenever there is a new Olu. The process involves the return of all paraphernalia of titleholders’ office, to allow the new monarch to bless and return them to signify ‘reappointment’. Emami had refused to perform the ceremony because of the insistence that the process that brought in the king was illegal.

On that day, in the presence of all Itsekiri leaders who gathered at the palace, the king urged Emami to step forward, but rather than revalidate the Ologbotsere, after retrieving his bead, uda (sword), he whispered to him to accept a downgraded from Ologbotsere to Akulagba (Ajuwaoyiboyemi) of Warri kingdom, which was the title he inherited from his late father.

The shocked chief refused, telling the monarch that it was not part of the plan. Yet the king went ahead to announce that he had been stripped of his position as Ologbotsere. He also immediately announced Chief Oma Eyewuoma as the new holder of the title, much to the angst and surprise of the family and shocked members of the Itsekiri Peace Committee. Ayiri staged a walk out leaving Oritsejafor and his team red-faced

Pa Higson Oporokun, the nonagenarian head of Ologbotsere descendants said, “We leaders and elders of the family thought they had gone there to settle the matter, and to our greatest surprise another person was installed right there. This has never been done. They disgraced the Ologbotsere family (who honoured the king’s invitation) to the event.”

Pastor Oritsejafor and his peace committee members were shell-shocked. The pastor hurriedly gathered his cassocks and left the venue, shortly after Ayiri had stormed out. Sources quoted Oritsejafor saying, “If the devil had known that crucifying Jesus would make him more popular, they probably would have had to rethink.”

Ayiri is no Jesus, some would even say he is the opposite, but his cause has been helped in no small measure by the events of April 19. Aggrieved members of the committee are now mostly sympathetic to him. Diden has on many occasions denounced the monarch and insisted that he recognize Emami as the Ologbotsere. The peace committee did not only collapse but has not held a meeting since the incident.

The failed peace meeting and its aftermath are also reverberating outside the kingdom, as far as Yoruba kingdoms in Southwest Nigeria, particularly in Ife, where the Ooni, Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, is working for peace in the kingdom. The Ooni visited Warri in January, meeting with his Warri counterpart before visiting Emami’s home. He openly assured Emami that he would remain Ologbotsere, saying that it was not easy to replace the man who knew so much about the kingdom and had invested his time, resources, and goodwill to promote its culture and tradition across the country.

Is the Olu of Warri being held hostage by his advisors and inner circles? Prince Yemi thinks so, and he accused some unnamed persons of misleading the monarch. “I was taken aback by the issue invitation of Ologbotsere to the palace. He (Olu) spoke about forgiveness. Asked Ayiri to come and revalidate, I was with Papa Oritsejafor and other respected Itsekiri people. Unfortunately, we came and he (monarch) did what he did and the rest is now history.”

The Prince said his nephew was getting carried away by the aura of his position without paying attention to the responsibilities it demands. “The current leadership in Itsekiri is focused on esthetics, the beauty of it all, freshness, yanga (fashion) part. People are hailing, (but) you (monarch) forget the ethics, the main object for which you were made a leader.”

Other stakeholders said the monarch played for applause in a matter that demanded wisdom. “Tsola and his handlers used the avenue to exact their vengeance on Ayiri and to prove that he is a powerful king and to satisfy his coteries who had personal grievances with the man. This is not a mafia novel where you ‘teach enemies lessons’ by humiliating them; leadership is about the value of your words and reliability. Has the Olu displayed that? He should be a man whose words count.

“We saw on April 19 a king playing applause while forgetting that the value of his words has greatly diminished. In the future when he speaks or makes promises to people as he did to Oritsejafor, Itsekiri leaders, and stakeholders, they will be retrospective.”

Our source also faulted the caliber of the monarch’s advisers, and likened the current situation in the tribe to the biblical story Rehoboam and Jeroboam, while praying that the kingdom does not split across the various fault lines as a result of bad bits of advice.

Meanwhile, the April debacle has not only strengthened opposition to the monarch, but it has led to the resurrection of cases that were withdrawn in deference to Oritsejafor’s committee. Cases instituted by Prince Ben Emiko, on one hand, and Prince Oyewoli and other children of late Olu Ikenwoli, have been restarted. Our correspondent gathered that Pa Oporokun-led Ologbotsere Descendants in court to challenge the powers of the Olu in appointing an Ologbotsere without recourse to the family.

Prince Benjamin (Ben) Emiko, who was contacted on Friday, declined to make a comment on the telephone. Sources close to him revealed that he had reopened his legal challenge on the process that threw up the Olu. The lawyer and retired CNL staff told our reporter in 2021 that the process of selection and coronation of Atuwatse III was ‘null and void’.

Meanwhile, the Itsekiri Consultative Forum, in its damning open letter to the monarch last week, highlighted some of his shortcomings in handling the kingdom’s affairs. The group expressed concerns about the future of Warri Kingdom while reminding the Olu of the fates of his predecessors who toed similar paths.

The innuendos-laced letter vocalized the concerns of prominent Itsekiri leaders and keen followers of activities in the kingdom in the last two years. Messrs Clem Ade Omotoye, a lawyer, and Arubi Ajofotan, Chairman and Secretary respectively of ICF, liken the current situation to what in 1963 led to the deportation of Ogiame Erejuwa II, to Ogbese, an agrarian community more some 300 km from his kingdom, in today’s Edo State.

It also reminded the monarch of his constitutional limitations and cautioned him against being carried away by his position to the extent of arrogating to himself authorities that aren’t his: “By the Delta State Traditional Rulers and Chiefs Law, the Olu is a Traditional Ruler. He is neither a monarch nor a sovereign.”

It also expressed deep concerns about the ambitious changes being made by the monarch, including his elevation of his wife to a formal position in the kingdom, mode of dressing, carriage, and penchant for public attention. It frowned at their incursion into partisan politics while lamenting the inclusion of Olori Atuwatse III into the state government’s transition committee in April as embarrassing.

The letter pointed out that Olu and his family is “expected to be circumspect in their carriage. Ogiame can imagine the consternation of Itsekiri when it appears in pages of newspapers that Olori was appointed to the inauguration committee of the incoming governor of Delta State. It is very embarrassing for us as it is against the Itsekiri tradition, culture, and more. It puts the Itsekiri crown squarely in the political arena with its attendant risk, it brought to the fore a feeling of déjà vu.”

Meanwhile, our investigations revealed that face-offs between the monarch on the one hand, chiefs and and princes on the other, are polarizing communities and clans. Okere, one of Itsekiri communities in the Warri metropolis, is already manifesting symptoms of the crisis. Located just meters away from the Warri Palace, Okere is a stronghold of Emami, and his late father’s house is there. Two weeks ago, Chief Rita Lori Ogbebor, Kofi Kartey, and Pa Amorighoye, among other supporters of the monarch released a statement tying the community’s crisis to the Ologbotsere Chieftaincy title.

In a swift response, former Okere youth leaders, David Iwere and Oyibo Awani, denounced attempts by the palace to divide the community. They said, “Chief Emami is our brother, an indigene of Okere Community. We owe him every support and brotherly protection in all his life’s pursuits. We stand with him and shall defend him when push comes to shove.”

Meanwhile, the ICF has spurned an invitation for a meeting with the monarch. The monarch called for the meeting following the publication of the letter and the issues they raised. A letter signed by the Head of the Back Office of the palace, Mr. Oritz Onuwaje, called the meeting, urging the group to choose a convenient date to meet with the palace to address their concerns.

But Messrs Omotoye and Ajofotan, in their reply, a copy of which was made available to our reporter on Friday morning, said they would not attend the meeting. They said they “merely voiced the concerns of most Itsekiris, who were too scared to speak out about the monarch’s activities.”

“We are however at a loss for the rationale for us to seek an audience with His Majesty because we had not sorted or suggested the need for a meeting. The letter is plain, clear, and direct to the points raised… The letter is self-explanatory and does not need further elucidation.”

It was gathered that ICF’s stand may not be unconnected with the humiliation of the members of the peace committee after the monarch assured them that he was ready for peace. Omotoye and Ajofotan expressed doubts about the genuineness of the monarch’s invitation, saying, “We have unequivocally highlighted what our observations are on the state of the Itsekiri nation and advice offered in the letter. It is honestly left to His Majesty to heed our advice or continue in the same trajectory.”

There are indications that the window of peace in the kingdom is fast closing, as a faction of the ruling house may have concluded plans to install a factional Olu, using the original paraphernalia of the office, including the 400-year-old crowns, which couldn’t be found for Atuwatse III’s coronation. It was gathered that the planned parallel coronation, which was billed to be held in Ode-Itsekiri, however, is yet to garner the support for it to go on.

“I know the plot was stronger after the failed peace efforts. Some members of the committee may support it because of their frustration. But even the most ferocious critic of the Olu would not support any move that will bring the kingdom to disrepute. We value the stool and it is one of the strongest ties that hold us,” a source familiar with the matter said.

How much longer that situation remains in the face of the current situation cannot be ascertained. Still, it was reliably gathered that a candidate (names withheld) has already been chosen and is being primed to mount a stool.”

 

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Oando Boss, Wale Tinubu Receives Award as Best Investor of the Year

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Jubril Adewale Tinubu, oil tycoon and GCE of leading oil and gas firm, OANDO, yesterday shone brilliantly like a well-cut diamond when he received the award for the New Telegraph Investor/Transaction of the Year 2024.

 

The oil guru with three decades of expectational performance in the oil sector was among other prominent Nigerians that went home with honours at the Oriental Hotels, venue of the ceremony.

 

The award, described as well- deserved, was presented to Tinubu for leading his team to successfully completing the acquisition of Agip Oil Company at $783 million.

 

The transaction, which was completed in August 2024, was described my many as a remarkable one the nation’s economy.

 

Tinubu is an intelligent, pragmatic and a genius who strikes when the iron is hottest.

 

Gifted with a knack to spot opportunity ahead of the crowd, Tinubu has in the last 30 years of unbroken entrepreneurial voyage positioned Oando among the best oil and gas company in the world.

He believes Nigeria offers limitless possibilities and opportunities, and holds high, at all times, the banner of hope.

 

Today, the business has not only earned him fame and wealth, but has also contributed in great measures to the economic development of Africa and beyond.

 

Other awardees on the night include Governor Babagana Zulum of Borno State won the Governor of the Year 2024; Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu of Lagos State received the Governor of the Year in Projects, while Governor Ahmed Aliyu of Sokoto State won Governor of the Year in Economy

 

 

Others are Governor Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State; Osun State Governor, Senator Ademola Adeleke; Ekiti State Governor, Biodun Oyebanji; Group Chief Executive Officer of the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL), Mr Mele Kyari, won the newspaper’s prestigious Man of the Year 2024, while the Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development, Barrister Festus Keyamo (SAN), won Minister of the Year 2024 in Transformative Leadership.

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The weaponization of justice and the injustice faced by Dan Etete – Jeremiah Perekeme 0woupele

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In the intricate corridors of global jurisprudence, the scales of justice often tip under the weight of political machinations and economic interests. The case of Dan Etete, Nigeria’s former Minister of Petroleum, epitomizes how legal systems can be manipulated, leading to profound personal and national injustices.

Dan Etete, appointed as Nigeria’s Minister of Petroleum Resources in 1995, played a pivotal role in introducing the marginal oil field regime and indigenous participation in Nigeria’s oil and gas industry. His contributions have however been beclouded by the controversy around the controversial OPL 245. This oil block, one of Africa’s richest, became the focus of a protracted legal battle involving major oil companies amid allegations of corruption. Etete’s involvement led to accusations that have marred his reputation and overshadowed his contributions to Nigeria’s oil sector.

In a landmark decision, an Italian court acquitted Eni, Shell, and associated individuals, including Etete, of corruption charges related to OPL 245. The court concluded that there was no case to answer, highlighting the absence of sufficient evidence to substantiate the allegations. This verdict underscores the complexities inherent in international legal proceedings, where accusations often outpace the evidence required for conviction.

Etete’s ordeal is not isolated. Globally, individuals have faced similar legal battles, where accusations are levied, with years spent in court, only to culminate in acquittals. These cases highlight systemic issues within legal frameworks that allow for the weaponization of justice, often driven by political or economic motivations.

The protracted legal saga of Amanda Knox serves as a poignant illustration of Italy’s judicial labyrinth. Knox, an American student, was accused of the 2007 murder of Meredith Kercher in Perugia. After initial convictions and subsequent acquittals, she was finally exonerated by Italy’s Supreme Court in 2015.

The case highlighted significant issues within the Italian legal system. Issues were raised around the handling of forensic evidence, media interference, and prosecutorial conduct. It also underscored the challenges of ensuring justice in a system where legal procedures can be as complex as the crimes themselves.

In the UK, the case of the Birmingham Six remains a stark reminder of the fallibility of justice systems. Six Irish men were wrongfully convicted in 1975 for pub bombings in Birmingham, based on coerced confessions and questionable forensic evidence. After 16 years of imprisonment, their convictions were quashed in 1991, revealing systemic flaws such as investigative misconduct and the suppression of evidence. This case prompted significant reforms in the UK’s criminal justice system, emphasizing the need for checks and balances to prevent miscarriages of justice.

The term “weaponization of justice” refers to the deliberate manipulation of legal systems to achieve objectives beyond the pursuit of truth and fairness. The weaponization of legal technicalities, whether through coerced confessions, mishandled evidence, or political interference, undermines the foundational principles of justice.

In Dan Etete’s case, the prolonged legal battles, despite eventual acquittal, suggest a misuse of judicial processes, leading to reputational damage. Despite his achievements that merit recognition, and most notably his discharge and acquittal in three jurisdictions – ITALY, UNITED KINGDOM, and Nigeria; he has remained the focal point of smear campaigns.

What does his discharge and acquittal really mean? It means that Dan Etete has been formally cleared of charges in a court of law. This means the court has found him not guilty of the charges brought against him. An acquittal signifies that there was insufficient evidence to prove the person committed the alleged offence, or was proven innocent. This means the accused is released from the legal process and is free to go. If he has been found to have done nothing wrong by the Nigerian Legal system, where the judiciary has come under scrutiny in recent times, is it being insinuated that the course of justice was perverted in those other jurisdictions?

In reflecting upon the Chief Dan Etete cases, it becomes evident that the pursuit of justice requires constant vigilance, systemic introspection, and unwavering commitment to fairness. Just as poverty can be weaponized to perpetuate societal inequities, legal ambiguities when exploited, lead to miscarriages of justice.

Moreover, they erode public trust in legal institutions, deter individuals from public service, and can have economic repercussions, especially in sectors as vital as oil and gas. Furthermore, they highlight the need for reforms to prevent the misuse of legal systems and to ensure that justice is truly blind.

Politically Exposed Persons (PEPs) often find themselves under intense scrutiny due to their influential positions, making them susceptible to allegations of corruption. In several instances, PEPs have been wrongfully accused and, despite subsequent exoneration, have suffered significant reputational damage due to smear campaigns. Here are five notable cases from different countries:

Former President John Dramani Mahama was implicated in a bribery scandal involving Airbus SE, with allegations suggesting his involvement through his brother, Samuel Adam Mahama. These claims, lacking substantial evidence, were perceived as politically motivated to tarnish Mahama’s reputation and divert attention from governmental shortcomings. The Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP) eventually exonerated Mahama, but the smear campaign had already inflicted damage on his public image.

Adolphus Wabara, former President of the Nigerian Senate, faced allegations in 2005 of accepting a ₦55 million bribe to influence budget approvals. Despite his resignation and a prolonged 14-year legal battle, Wabara was acquitted in 2019 due to insufficient evidence.

Frederick Chiluba, Zambia’s second President, faced allegations of embezzling public funds after his tenure ended in 2002. Following a protracted legal process, Chiluba was acquitted of all charges in 2009. The court determined that the prosecution failed to provide compelling evidence linking him to the alleged crimes. This verdict underscored the challenges in distinguishing between political vendettas and genuine anti-corruption efforts.

Georgia Thompson, a Wisconsin state employee, was convicted in 2006 on federal corruption charges, accused of steering a state contract for political reasons. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit overturned her conviction in 2007, citing a lack of evidence.

Former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia was accused of misusing funds related to the Zia Charitable Trust, leading to her conviction and imprisonment in 2018. In November 2024, the Supreme Court of Bangladesh acquitted Zia and all co-accused, citing a lack of credible evidence.

Nabil Sayadi, director of the European branch of the Global Relief Foundation, was accused of transferring funds to an Al-Qaeda financier, leading to his inclusion on international watch-lists and the freezing of his assets. In 2006, Belgian judges exonerated Sayadi, citing a lack of evidence linking him to terrorist activities.

These cases highlight the profound impact that unfounded corruption allegations and smear campaigns can have on PEPs, often resulting in lasting reputational harm even after legal exoneration.While many accusations are substantiated, there are notable instances where PEPs have been wrongfully accused and subsequently exonerated by the legal system.

Chief Dan Etete’s experience, like the ones already referenced, serves as a stark reminder of the potential for justice systems to be weaponized. It calls for introspection and reform to safeguard the principles of fairness and equity, ensuring that individuals are protected from undue legal persecutions driven by interests that have little to do with justice. This underscores the necessity for robust legal frameworks that ensure due process, protect individuals from politically motivated accusations, and uphold the integrity of judicial systems worldwide.

*** Jeremiah Perekeme Owoupele is a Niger Delta based lawyer.

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Portable now in our custody – Ogun Police

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The Ogun State Police Command says Habeeb Okikiola, aka Portable, is now in its custody.

 

Omolola Odutola, the state public relations officer made the disclosure in a statement on Wednesday.

 

According to her, “The Ogun State Police Command wishes to inform the public that Habeeb Okikiola, also known as Portable, arrived at the State Criminal Investigation Department, Eleweran, Abeokuta, at exactly 13:23 hours today, February 19, 2025.

 

 

“His presence at the SCID is connected to an ongoing investigation. The command assures the public that due process will be followed in handling this matter, and updates will be provided as necessary.”

 

Portable was declared wanted for assault on some officials of the Ogun State Town Planning Agency who were carrying out enforcement on his property in the Ilogbo area of the state.

 

Details later…

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